The US and the Middle East Since 1945

A Guide to Mideast Policy from Harry Truman to Barack Obama

The first time a Western power got soaked in the politics of oil in the Middle East was toward the end of 1914, when British soldiers landed at Basra, in southern Iraq, to protect oil supplies from neighbouring Persia. At the time the US had little interest in Middle East oil or in imperial designs on the region. Its overseas ambitions were focused south toward Latin America and the Caribbean (remember the Maine?), and west toward east Asia and the Pacific.

When Britain offered to share the spoils of the defunct Ottoman Empire after the World War-I in the Middle East, President Woodrow Wilson declined. It was only a temporary reprieve from creeping involvement that began during the Truman Administration. It’s not been a happy history. But it’s necessary to understand that past, even if only in its general outlines, to better make sense of the present — especially regarding current Arab attitudes toward the West.

Truman Administration, 1945-1952.

American troops were stationed in Iran during World War-II to help transfer military supplies to the former Soviet Union and protect Iranian oil. British and Soviet troops were also on Iranian soil. After the war, Stalin withdrew his troops only when Harry Truman protested their continued presence through the United Nations, and possibly threatened to use force to boot them out.

American duplicity in the Middle East was born: While opposing Soviet influence in Iran, Truman solidified America’s relationship with Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi, in power since 1941, and brought Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), making it clear to the former Soviet Union that the Middle East would be a Cold War hot zone.

Truman accepted the 1947 United Nations partition plan of Palestine, granting 57 per cent of the land to Israel and 43 per cent to Palestine, and personally lobbied for its success. The plan lost support from UN member nations, especially as hostilities between Jews and Palestinians multiplied in 1948, and Arabs lost more land or fled. Truman recognised the State of Israel 11 minutes after its creation, on May 14, 1948.

Eisenhower Administration, 1953-1960

Three major events marked Dwight Eisenhower’s Middle East policy. In 1953, Eisenhower ordered the CIA to depose Mohammed Mossadegh, the popular, elected leader of the Iranian parliament and an ardent nationalist who opposed British and American influence in Iran. The coup severely tarnished America’s reputation among Iranians, who lost trust in American claims of protecting democracy.

In 1956, when Israel, Britain and France attacked Egypt when it nationalised the Suez Canal, a furious Eisenhower not only refused to join the hostilities; he ended the war.

Two years later, as nationalist forces roiled the Middle East and threatened to topple Lebanon’s Christian-led government, Eisenhower ordered the first landing of US troops in Beirut to protect the regime. The deployment, lasting just three months, ended a brief civil war in Lebanon.

Kennedy Administrations, 1961-1963

John Kennedy was supposedly uninvolved in the Middle East. But as Warren Bass argued in ‘Support Any Friend: Kennedy’s Middle East and the Making of the US-Israel Alliance’ John Kennedy tried to develop a special relationship with Israel while diffusing the effects of his predecessors’ Cold War policies regarding Arab regimes.

Kennedy increased economic aid toward the region and worked to reduce its polarisation between Soviet and American spheres. While the friendship with Israel was solidified during his tenure, Kennedy’s abbreviated administration, while briefly inspiring the Arab public, largely failed to mollify Arab leaders.

The Johnson Administration, 1963-1968

Lyndon Johnson was absorbed by his Great Society programmes at home and the Vietnam War abroad. The Middle East burst back onto the American foreign-policy radar with the Six Day War of 1967, when Israel, after rising tension and threats f1rom all sides, preempted what it characterised as an impending attack from Egypt, Syria and Jordan.

Israel occupied the Gaza Strip, the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank and Syria’s Golan Heights. Israel threatened to go further. The Soviet Union threatened armed attack if it did. Johnson put the US Navy’s Mediterranean Sixth Fleet on alert, but also compelled Israel to agree to a ceasefire on June 10, 1967.

Nixon-Ford Administrations, 1969-1976

Humiliated by the Six Day War, Egypt, Syria and Jordan tried to regain lost territory when they attacked Israel during the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur in 1973. Egypt regained some ground but its Third Army was then surrounded by an Israeli army led by Ariel Sharon (who would later become prime minister).

The Soviets proposed a ceasefire, failing which they threatened to act ‘unilaterally.’ For the second time in six years, the US faced its second major and potentially nuclear confrontation with the Soviet Union over the Middle East. After what journalist Elizabeth Drew described as ‘Strangelove Day’ when the Nixon administration put American forces on the highest alert, the administration persuaded Israel to accept a ceasefire.

 Americans felt the effects of that war through the 1973 Arab oil embargo, rocketing oil prices upward and contributing to a recession a year later.

 In 1974 and 1975 Secretary of State Henry Kissinger negotiated so-called disengagement agreements, first between Israel and Syria, then between Israel and Egypt, formally ending the hostilities begun in 1973 and returning some land Israel had seized from the two countries. Those were not peace agreements, however, and they left the Palestinian situation untouched. Meanwhile, a military strongman called Saddam Hussein was rising through the ranks in Iraq.

 Carter Administration, 1977-1981

Jimmy Carter’s presidency was marked by American Mid-East policy’s greatest victory and greatest loss since World War-II. On the victorious side, Carter’s mediation led to the 1978 Camp David Accord and the 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, which included a huge increase in the US aid to Israel and Egypt. The treaty led Israel to return the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt. The accord took place, remarkably, months after Israel invaded Lebanon for the first time, ostensibly to repel chronic attacks from the Palestine Liberation Organisation in south Lebanon.

On the losing side, the Iranian Revolution culminated in 1978 with demonstrations against the regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and culminating with the establishment of an Islamic Republic, with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, on April 1, 1979.

On November 4, 1979, Iranian students backed by the new regime took 63 Americans at the US Embassy in Teheran hostage. They’d hold on to 52 of them for 444 days, releasing them the day Ronald Reagan was inaugurated president. The hostage crisis, which included one failed military rescue attempt that cost the lives of eight American servicemen, undid the Carter presidency and set back American policy in the region for years: The rise of Shiite power in the Middle East had begun.

To top things off for Carter, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in December 1979, eliciting little response from the president other than an American boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow.

Reagan Administration, 1981-1989

Whatever progress the Carter administration achieved on the Israeli-Palestinian front stalled over the next decade. As the Lebanese civil war raged, Israel invaded Lebanon for the second time, in June 1982, advancing as far as Beirut, the Lebanese capital city, before Reagan, who had condoned the invasion, intervene to demand a ceasefire.

American, Italian and French troops landed in Beirut that summer to mediate the exit of 6,000 PLO militants. The troops then withdrew, only to precipitately return following the assassination of Lebanese President-elect Bashir Gemeyel and the retaliatory massacre, by Israeli-backed Christian militias, of up to 3,000 Palestinians in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila, south of Beirut.

In April 1983, a truck bomb demolished the US Embassy in Beirut, killing 63 people. On October 23, 1983, simultaneous bombings killed 241 American soldiers and 57 French paratroopers in their Beirut barracks. American forces withdrew shortly after. The Reagan administration then faced several crises as the Iranian-backed Lebanese Shiite organisation that became known as Hezbollah took several Americans hostage in Lebanon.

The 1986 Iran-Contra affair revealed that the Reagan Administration had secretly negotiated arms-for-hostages deals with Iran, discrediting Reagan’s claim that he would not negotiate with terrorists. It would be December 1991 before the last hostage, former Associated Press reporter Terry Anderson, would be released.

Throughout the 1980s, the Reagan Administration supported Israel’s expansion of Jewish settlements in occupied territories. The administration also supported Saddam Hussein in the eight-year Iran-Iraq War, which ended in 1988. The administration provided logistical and intelligence support, believing, wrongly, that Saddam could destabilise the Iranian regime and defeat the Islamic Revolution.

George H.W. Bush Administration, 1989-1993.

After benefiting from a decade of support from the US and receiving conflicting signals immediately before the invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein invaded the small country to his southeast on August 2, 1990. President Bush launched Operation Desert Shield, immediately deploying US troops in Saudi Arabia to defend against a possible invasion by Iraq.

Desert Shield became Operation Desert Storm when Bush shifted strategy ‘from defending Saudi Arabia to repelling Iraq from Kuwait, ostensibly because Hussein might, Bush claimed, be developing nuclear weapons. A coalition of 30 nations joined American forces in a military operation that numbered more than half a million troops. An additional 18 countries supplied economic and humanitarian aid.

After a 38-day air campaign and a 100-hour ground war, Kuwait was liberated. Bush stopped the assault short of an invasion of Iraq, fearing what Dick Cheney, his Defense Secretary, would call a ‘quagmire.’ Bush established instead ‘no-fly zones’ in the south and north of the country,  but those didn’t keep Hussein from massacring Shiites following an attempted revolt in the south — which Bush had encouraged — and Kurds in the north.

In Israel and the Palestinian territories, Bush was largely ineffective and uninvolved as the first Palestinian Intifada, or uprising, roiled on for four years.

In the last year of his presidency, Bush launched a military operation in Somalia in conjunction with a humanitarian operation by the United Nations. Operation Restore Hope, involving 25,000 US troops, was designed to help stem the spread of famine caused by the Somali civil war.

The operation had limited success. A 1993 attempt to catch Mohamed Farah Aidid, leader of a brutal Somali militia, ended in disaster, with 18 American soldiers and up to 1,500 Somali militias and civilians killed. Aidid wasn’t caught.

Among the architects of the attacks on Americans in Somalia: a Saudi exile then living in the Sudan, largely unknown in the US Osama bin Laden.

Clinton Administration, 1993-2001.

Besides mediating the 1994 peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, Bill Clinton’s involvement in the Middle East was bracketed by the short-lived success of the Oslo Accords in August 1993 and the collapse of the Camp David summit in December 2000.

The accords ended the first Intifada and established Palestinians’ right to self-determination in Gaza and the West Bank and established the Palestinian Authority. The accords also called on Israel to withdraw its troops from the occupied territories.

But Oslo left unsettled such fundamental questions as the right of Palestinian refugees to return to Israel, the fate of East Jerusalem, which is claimed by Palestinians, and continuing expansion of Israeli settlements in the territories.

Those issues, still unresolved by 2000, led Clinton to convene a summit with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli leader Ehud Barak at Camp David in December 2000, the waning days of his presidency. The summit failed. The second Intifada exploded.

Throughout the Clinton administration, terrorist attacks orchestrated by the increasingly public bin Laden punctured the 1990s’ post-Cold War air of quietude, from the 1993 World Trade Center bombing to the bombing of the USS Cole, a Navy destroyer, in Yemen in 2000.

George W. Bush Administration, 2001-2009.

After deriding operations involving the US military in what he called ‘nation-building’President Bush turned, after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, into the most ambitious nation-builder since the days of Secretary of State George Marshall and the Marshall Plan that helped rebuild Europe after World War-II. Bush’s efforts, focused on the Middle East, have not been as successful.

Bush had the world’s backing when he led an attack on Afghanistan in October 2001 to topple the Taliban regime there, which had given sanctuary to al-Qaeda. Bush’s expansion of the ‘war on terror’ to Iraq in March 2003, however, had less backing. Bush saw the toppling of Saddam Hussein as the first step in a domino-like birth of democracy in the Middle East.

But while Bush talked democracy regarding Iraq and Afghanistan, he continued to support repressive, undemocratic regimes in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and North Africa. The credibility of his democracy campaign was short-lived. By 2006, with Iraq plunging into civil war, Hamas winning elections in the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah winning immense popularity following its summer war with Israel, Bush’s democracy campaign was dead.

Barrak Obama Administration, 2009.

At 46, Democratic Sen. Barack Hussein Obama of Illinois is the youngest of the 16 Republican and Democratic candidates for the 2008 presidency. Obama has made conscious efforts to appear nothing like a dove, especially when it comes to Middle Eastern issues. At times, especially in his discussions of the ‘war on terror’ Iran and the US military, he can sound more hawkish than Hillary Clinton or the rest of the Democratic field, and as hawkish as some Republicans.

Obama blames the Bush Administration’s unilateralism and belligerence at the expense of the more traditional approaches to foreign policy that served the country since World War-II: cooperation with other nations, diplomacy through international institutions, including the United Nations, and the use of foreign aid, especially humanitarian assistance, as a tool of diplomacy.

The Obama administration is doing exactly what they criticised the Bush administration for, particularly in Libya, says Clizbe, author of the forthcoming book ‘Willing Accomplices:  How KGB Covert Influence Agents Created Political Correctness and Destroyed America.

The Obama administration doesn’t know who it’s dealing with in Libya, ‘they don’t have an entry plan. They don’t have an exit plan. The strategy doesn’t seem to be anything more than hope and change’ Clizbe adds.

By: Pierre Tristam

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